）修飾，潤(rùn)色，裝點(diǎn)，如to put the finishing ~es to the report（給報(bào)告做最后的潤(rùn)色）。

(7)flat-packed平整包裝的，即，購(gòu)買(mǎi)者需要自己組裝產(chǎn)品。

 

全文翻譯

風(fēng)向標(biāo)（固定在建筑物頂端用來(lái)指示風(fēng)向的設(shè)備）的制作是一門(mén)古老的工藝，可以追溯到古埃及時(shí)代。如今這項(xiàng)工藝在格雷漢姆·史密斯建立的工作室里依然散發(fā)著生機(jī)。他是這個(gè)國(guó)家里僅有的幾個(gè)從事手工制作風(fēng)向標(biāo)的人之一。格雷漢姆的設(shè)計(jì)是為個(gè)人制作的，他按照顧客的具體要求量身訂做�！斑@樣我就能生產(chǎn)出獨(dú)特的個(gè)性化的產(chǎn)品”，他解釋說(shuō)，“我的許多顧客都是女性，她們?cè)跒檎煞蛸I(mǎi)禮物。她們想要能代表男人事業(yè)或業(yè)余興趣的特制的禮物�！�

它們與風(fēng)向標(biāo)最普通的設(shè)計(jì)，即傳統(tǒng)公雞形狀的風(fēng)向標(biāo)相差甚遠(yuǎn)。

格雷漢姆做的第一個(gè)風(fēng)向標(biāo)不是公雞形狀的，而是一個(gè)在長(zhǎng)柄掃帚上的女巫。朋友們都羨慕他這份給妻子帶來(lái)驚喜的禮物，開(kāi)始紛紛要求為他們也制作風(fēng)向標(biāo)。他說(shuō)，“我意識(shí)到當(dāng)涉及用風(fēng)向標(biāo)可以表現(xiàn)的題材時(shí)，其可能性是無(wú)窮無(wú)盡的�！�

格雷漢姆決定把精力投入到風(fēng)向標(biāo)生意上。他曾經(jīng)當(dāng)過(guò)精密度工程師學(xué)徒，并在這個(gè)行業(yè)中工作了15年，然后他和妻子同意交換一下角色——妻子外出工作，當(dāng)助理建筑工程師，而丈夫留在家中照顧孩子并建立自己的事業(yè)。[B]

那是五年前的事了，格雷漢姆對(duì)自己選擇的新方向沒(méi)有后悔。他說(shuō)，“我以前的工作沒(méi)有任何藝術(shù)性，而現(xiàn)在這種工作充滿(mǎn)了刺激與創(chuàng)造性，我真的喜歡設(shè)計(jì)。”

格雷漢姆現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)完善了100多個(gè)原創(chuàng)設(shè)計(jì)。他精工細(xì)作，總是在動(dòng)手制作前先讓顧客對(duì)輪廓的設(shè)計(jì)滿(mǎn)意。[F]

格雷漢姆也保留了很多傳統(tǒng)設(shè)計(jì)，因?yàn)樗鼈儽蛔C實(shí)與偶然的創(chuàng)造一樣受歡迎。他說(shuō)，“看上去人們對(duì)手工制作很感興趣，他們想有機(jī)會(huì)獲得一些與眾不同的東西”。

格雷漢姆沒(méi)有擴(kuò)展（工作室）規(guī)模的計(jì)劃，因?yàn)樗�想把它保持為一種鄉(xiāng)村手工藝。[E]

他說(shuō)，“我已經(jīng)在市場(chǎng)上占有了一席之地。人們喜愛(ài)個(gè)性化的東西，而當(dāng)我看到一個(gè)沒(méi)有任何特色的形狀變得栩栩如生時(shí)，感到非常滿(mǎn)足。”

他解釋到，“幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)，風(fēng)向標(biāo)發(fā)送引起天氣變化的風(fēng)向轉(zhuǎn)變的信號(hào)，從而使人類(lèi)社會(huì)與天氣保持聯(lián)系�！�[D]

“然而現(xiàn)在，隨著越來(lái)越多的人遷入鄉(xiāng)村，很多人想給自己的財(cái)產(chǎn)做最后的獨(dú)特的修飾。這促進(jìn)了我這樣的手工藝的發(fā)展。”

格雷漢姆越來(lái)越忙，忙著給世界各地的顧客供應(yīng)平整包裝的風(fēng)向標(biāo)。[A]

美國(guó)和丹麥顧客特別感興趣。他解釋說(shuō)，“價(jià)格的制定取決于設(shè)計(jì)的復(fù)雜性�！彼�最近的定單是一只卷毛狗。無(wú)論什么情況下，格雷漢姆都可以制作出與眾不同的禮物。

 

Part C

Directions:

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. Your translation should be written clearly on ANSWER SHEET 2. (10 points)

 

The value which society places on work has traditionally been closely associated with the value of individualism and as a result it has had negative effects on the development of social security. (46） It has meant that in the first place the amount of benefits must be small lest people’s willingness to work and support themselves suffers. Even today with flat rate and earnings-related benefits, the total amount of the benefit must always be smaller than the person’s wages for fear of malingering. “The purpose of social security,” said Huntford referring to Sweden’s comparatively generous benefits, “is to dispel need without crossing the threshold of prosperity.” Second, social security benefits are granted under conditions designed to reduce the likelihood of even the boldest of spirits attempting to live on the State rather than work. Many of the rules surrounding the payment of unemployment or supplementary benefit are for this purpose. Third, the value placed on work is manifested in a more positive way as in the case of disability. (47） People suffering from accidents incurred at work or from occupational diseases receive preferential treatment by the social security service compared with those suffering from civil accidents and ordinary illnesses.

Yet, the stranglehold which work has had on the social security service has been increasingly loosened over the years. The provision of family allowances, family income supplements, the slight liberalization of the wages stop are some of the manifestations of this trend. (48） Similarly, the preferential treatment given to occupational disability by the social security service has been increasingly questioned with the demands for the upgrading of benefits for the other types of disability. It is felt that in contemporary industrial societies the distinction between occupational and non-occupational disability is artificial for many non-occupational forms of disability have an industrial origin even if they do not occur directly in the wor

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